MEMOIRS OF THE LUTHERAN

LITURGICAL ASSOCIATION

Volumes I-VII.

Published by the Association Pittsburgh, Pa., 1906.

Copyright, 1906,

by The Lutheran Liturgical Association.

[These volumes have been scanned and proofread, but may still contain errors. Original pagination has been indicated throughout.]

 

Volume IV

 

IV 1 The Liturgical Influence of the Lesser Reformers (C. T. Benze)

IV 17 The Ecclesiastical Calendar (N. R. Melhorn)

IV 29 Luther’s Liturgical Writings (E. A. Trabert)

IV 47 The Pericopes (A. Spaeth)

IV 63 Liturgical Development in the Period of the Reformation (E. T. Horn)

IV 67 The Liturgical Deterioration of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (J. F. Ohl)

IV 79 Liturgy and Doctrine (D. H. Geissinger)

IV 85 Early American Lutheran Liturgies (D. M. Kemerer)

IV 95 The Liturgy of the Icelandic Church (F. J. Bergmann)

 

THE LITURGICAL INFLUENCE OF THE LESSER REFORMERS.

 

WHEN one studies the formative period of the doctrines and forms of worship that constitute the exclusive property of the Lutheran Church, he cannot fail to be impressed with the fact that so many influences were at work at the same time, that it is almost impossible to ascribe a greater or less effect to one cause or the other. While even the development of a doctrinal system depended on the workings of many and varied historical causes, it is found in the tracing of liturgical practices that they depend fully as much (if not more) upon the history of given conditions, as they do upon specific theories or decided views concerning their propriety. So powerful are the claims of the past, that they had to be considered and respected even in the formulating of ecclesiastical laws, and an examination of the Kirchenordnungen reveals numerous examples of the firm, stiff grasp in which the dead hand of the past clasped the issues of the present. Thus we find that exceptions from prescribed orders are made in favor of certain churches within the same sphere of jurisdiction, prescribing e. g. the robe in one church and permitting its disuse in another, ordering certain forms of Service for the whole district and exempting from it certain congregations in the same territory. Or, also we find the Reformers laying down certain rules in one Kirchenordnung and themselves departing widely from them in the composition of another. And to go further, we see instances of a complete change of view at certain periods of life, not only in the case of Luther, but notably so also in the case of Melanchthon and Brenz. Some of these changes of view were such truly speaking, others again, especially those of Melanchthon and Brenz, were enforced accommodations to existing conditions. These changes of view, according to the custom of the times, when men lived their intellectual life in the public gaze,

 


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as much as their outward life, were always promulgated, always published and always had a certain effect and made a distinct impression upon the views of the contemporaries. It was an age of argumentation and public discussion, the utmost consequence of the scholastic spirit; but withal, the fairest flower that sprung like a white water-lily from those dark and murky waters. Owing to these views promulgated, changed, reiterated, embodied in doctrines and made active in regulations, producing ecclesiastical laws through their ethical inspirations, and voicing the devotions of the believer through their religious aspirations, the different KOO took their origin in all Europe among Lutherans and Reformed alike. Those of the one side frequently had a reflex influence upon those of the other, frequently the Lutheran adopted the hue of Reformed, frequently the latter shone in the borrowed glories of the former. Sometimes one master-mind made a contribution which for the time was made use of and sought after as a treasure, and then it was lost and buried, either to remain forever unused among all the rummage in the storied attics of the past, or to be brought to light and use again, by the descendants, who in the present age are inquiring into the possessions of their fathers. For these reasons it is almost impossible to give a true estimate of the influence of any given Reformer, if the problem be to state what effect he had upon the liturgical observances of the present day, though one might, with propriety, follow him through his works and discover what he advocated and for what he strove. The most abiding work of all these great ones of that great time was transmitted to us in the KOO, but even they have not yet been adequately treated, as Rietschel tells us, though much excellent work has so far been done upon them.

Among these KOO we can find various types, some (and we deal here only with those that are Lutheran) correct in their doctrinal position, but conservative in their treatment of Roman forms; some genuinely Lutheran, based upon the Formula Missae (1523) and Lutheran in regard to doctrine and forms; some which are more radical in their treatment of forms of worship and mediate between the Lutheran type and the Reformed. Among the first type we find the Brandenburg KO prepared by Stratner and Buchholtzer, the Pfalz-Neuburg KO, 1543, the Austrian Agenda of Chytraeus, 1571. The second type, called the Saxo-Lutheran, represented as stated, by the Formula Missae, which became authori-


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tative for Prussia under Duke Albrecht, 1525; for the Electorate of Saxony, for all the KOO by Bugenhagen, viz., Brunswick 1528, Hamburg 1529, Minden and Göttingen 1530, Lübeck 1531, Saest 1532, Bremen 1534, Pommerania 1535; for that of Brandenburg-Nuremberg 1533 by Osiander and Brenz; for Hanover 1536 by Urbanus Regius; for Naumburg 1537; for the KO of Duke Henry of Saxony by Justus Jonas 1539; for Mecklenburg 1540 and 1552 by Aurifaber, Riebling, Melanchthon and later Chytraeus; for Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel 1543 and 1569 by Chemnitz and Andreae; for Riga 1531; for Courland 1570; for the Hessian Agenda of 1566 and 1573 with the exception of the act of Communion. Of the third or mediating type the regulations at Strassburg, the Württemberg KOO among which less than the others that by Brenz for Schwäbisch-Hall 1526, the KO of Duke Ulrich 1536 and of Duke Christopher 1533; the Palatine KO 1554, the Badensian 1556, the Wormsian 1560.* Those among the above that have become most fundamental or basic for others are the Braunschweig KO of Bugenhagen and the Brandenburg-Nuremberg KO of Osiander. It is upon the consensus of the orders of the second type that the forms of Service of our Common Service are based, and it is with them and the men who produced them that the present inquiry is chiefly concerned. As has been indicated all of these KOO are partly based upon the Formula Missae issued by Luther in 1523, partly derive their spirit and impetus from it and partly develop in the direction indicated by it. Thus even in this inquiry Luther’s name deserves especial mention, for he is the Prometheus who brought the fire from Heaven and taught his knowledge to the sons of men. His giant form overtowers every other of the mighty men of the period of the Reformation, but beside him, near him, reaching toward him and approaching his stature in conspicuous measure are the persons of Melanchthon and Bugenhagen How much the prophet of the Reformation was indebted to its grammarian and to its pastor will perhaps never be known; but he refers to them so constantly, and describes their labors and influence so lovingly, that one is compelled to ascribe to these two, Melanchthon and Bugenhagen, no mean share in the outcome of that momentous upheaval of the sixteenth century. It was a time of, tearing down and of building up. Luther, the genius,

Footnote: * For this classification see Zoeckler, Vol. IV, p. 456.

 


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did both, Melanchthon and Bugenhagen mainly built up. Luther was the greater for he was more versatile, more many-sided; he was equal to the destruction that his work implied, and equal to the construction that it necessitated; but in his constructive abilities he was ably assisted and almost matched by the other two of this great triumvirate. But if we give due credit to the labors of the grammarian and the pastor, we cannot pass by lesser men who influenced them and whose labors in the common cause were similar to theirs and whose influence in certain directions as great as theirs. And so upon a plane but little lower, acting and acted upon mutually and reciprocally with them appear Brenz and Osiander, Justus Jonas and others whose names have been mentioned above.

To Philip Melanchthon, the Praeceptor Germaniae, is usually ascribed the place of honor directly after Luther. His life is too well known to be described here, but it may be well to recall certain details of it which explain the part he played. Born Feb. 6, 1497 the son of a man standing in high favor with the Palatine Elector Philip, and of a woman the niece of one of the greatest humanists, Reuchlin, his opportunities for learning and advancement were the very best. His learning was such that as a mere stripling, he could easily win in debate with the wandering bachantes, that he was soon distinguished for his knowledge of Greek and the elegance of his Latin and was ready to take the master’s degree at the University of Heidelberg before his age made him eligible. He distinguished himself at the University of Tübingen, took an active part in Reuchlin’s controversy, published a Greek grammar before he was twenty-five and received the most enthusiastic praise of Erasmus. In the meantime he devoted himself to the study of theology, law and medicine. Such was the man who in 1518 was installed as professor of Greek in the University of Wittenberg and who, with his address on the “Improvement of the Studies of Youth” attracted Luther’s attention, which grew into admiration, then to esteem and lastly to love. And this grammarian soon entered so heartily into theology that while he never received a doctor’s degree, he became the master of many doctors. Entering into active participation in theological questions by his interest in Luther’s dispute with Eck, he soon obtained the honor of a baccalaureus biblicus, and as early as 1519 began to lecture on the Epistle to the Romans and


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the Gospel of Matthew. Out of these studies grew his Loci Communes which was first published in 1519, the first dogmatical treatise of the Lutheran Church, reprinted more than eighty times during his life.

When Luther was sent at Worms and then at the Wartburg, the care for the University and the condition of the work of the Gospel began to rest more heavily upon Melanchthon’s shoulders. When Luther returned he brought with him the dawn of an era of work mutually borne. This literary and theological partnership, of more import to the world’s welfare than any described in the purely literary annals of the race, comprised particularly the work of the translation of the Bible and the visitation of the churches of Saxony. It was out of this visitation that the work originated, which most directly influenced the composition of the various KOO. This work is known as the Saxon Visitation Articles and appeared in 1528, the same year as Bugenhagen’s Brunswick KO. Then followed in rapid succession, the protestation at Spires in 1529, and the Marburg colloquy in the same year. Early in 1530 we find Melanchthon indicating the basis of the Torgau articles, collaborating the Schwabach articles, practically writing the Augsburg Confession, and himself producing the Apology of the Augsburg Confession. In the next sixteen years he is busy in assisting the establishment of the Reformation in Saxony and Brandenburg, giving his counsels in Cologne, at Smalcald, and at Ratisbon, and producing the Wittenberg Concordia. The remaining years of his life were spent in endless doctrinal controversies, in which his position was not always appreciated and which brought him many sorrows.

As has been well said, he was the Preceptor of Germany by reason of his reforms in the management of the schools, from the University down to the boys in the Latin schools. He would be the Preceptor of the Church if he had left us nothing but the Augsburg Confession and its Apology. But these two so far outshine his other productions that his work as a theologian as shown in his other writings need not even be counted, to make him glorious. That he was preeminently the schoolmaster of the Church is not only evident in the lasting and imperishable instruction which he bequeathed to her in his theological writings but in the rules for her management and guidance which he left in the Saxon Articles of Visitation and which scattered broad-

 


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cast even through his doctrinal works. Besides he does not deny a schoolmaster’s noblest aim, the education of the young, in the very regulations which he gives for the ordering of public Services. To him Church and school were one, always inseparable; and while in the school he trains the youth for the Church he does not forget, even in such matters as the singing of Latin hymns and the chanting of the psalms in Latin to impress the Church with the sense of her duties in the training of the young. It seems as if this pedagogical principle for which he stood, can not be left out of consideration when one estimates the work he did in the Church. Without a just appreciation of this principle much in Melanchthon’s regulations appears incongruous, and, so far as modern liturgical views go, even out of place.

With this in mind, we can understand Melanchthon’s liturgical position. To him, as to Luther in his earlier views, worship was of the nature of a training. It lies in the nature of things that he demands that all things be done decently and in order and consequently he demands a quiet dignified conduct of the things of public worship. But beyond this, the entire Service has to him a preeminently educative tendency. The public assemblies depend upon Christ’s command to preach the Gospel publicly. The publicity of worship assures the widest spread to the Gospel and prevents ethical and moral aberrations. The individual is to confess himself a member of the congregation publicly and the congregation must publicly separate itself from the sects. He only belongs to God’s people who is called. He only is called, who is a member of the visible congregation and receives its benefits. But as the congregation in its assemblies only presents the means of thus calling to the childhood of God, the idea, consequences, effects and aims of worship are those known, but its real essence is not grasped. Hence Melanchthon’s view implies that the regenerated Christian has no absolute need for this public worship. It is to Melanchthon the means and place for the experienced Christian, to lead to perfection the inexperienced one. As Jakoby says, an outer motive, formally God’s command, materially the consideration for the masses, impels him to Church; it is the Law, not the Gospel, and Melanchthon lacks the worshipping subject, while he looks to the object; in a word, it is a pedagogical institution, exalted and spiritual, educating for the inheritance of the children of light; but no worship.

 


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In this Luther and Melanchthon thought alike; but while Luther hoped for a future worship of the trained and experienced congregation, Melanchthon regarded this as an illusion. But on the other hand he saw the constitutive factors of Christian worship. The way to perfection here indicated when once entered, led to glories far beyond those aspired to by Melanchthon; but as all worship was to him mandatory in Christ’s command, and as he was on the other hand, confronted by the demands of evangelical liberty, he could not harmonize the tendencies.

As to the object of worship, he, like Luther, contended that it lay in the adoration of God. For this reason he strove to abolish the adoration of the saints, claiming that it limited the adoration of God, and the mediatorial work of the Savior.

His pedagogical views also modify his views of the contents of worship, namely, the sacraments and their application. As to baptism he teaches plainly that it is the implanting into the new life; but he cannot explain the baptism of children in any other way than that thereby they receive access to all that is implied in worship. For this reason the faith of infants is to him, as he admits, unintelligible, but he insists on baptizing them as in accordance with the Divine command. This has a natural bearing upon the form of the act of baptism. In the doctrine of the Lord’s Supper Melanchthon defended Luther’s view. It is but natural therefore, that he contended against the sacrifice of the mass and therefore becomes a powerful protagonist for a purified order of Service. His convictions as to this doctrine also led him to repudiate the Romish celebration sub una and to contend first mildly, then emphatically for the administration sub utraque. As to confession, his views also coincide with those of Luther. We still possess a beautiful prayer for individual confession, composed by him. His formula of absolution however, is replete with doctrinal statements and vindications and was condemned by Luther as being too prolix.

In his views on the means of worship or ceremonies, he occupies the same position as Luther. He is conservative and does not abolish anything except what he finds to be in contradiction to the Word of God; but he contends against the false value given all ceremonies in the Catholic Church. This conservative position as expressed in Article VII of the Augsburg Confession, is due partly to Melanchthon’s pedagogical views, partly to his

 


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irenical endeavors. On the other hand at Ratisbon in 1541 he presented a memorandum to the Emperor in which he urged that all ceremonies should be sifted and the measure of dignity applied to all. What was accordant with churchly dignity was to remain, what was out of harmony with it was to be cast aside.

In his criticism of Catholic forms of worship he concedes to the bishops the power of oversight limited by the powers and rights of the congregation; but clearly separated the ecclesiastical powers from the civil ones. This removes from them the powers which they wielded and with these powers he takes the authorization of their commands. Thus he looks upon fasting, not as a meritorious deed, but as a useful honoring of festival days and a furtherance of prayer and the consideration of the Gospel. The festivals of an evangelical character he advised to retain. The principle guiding him herein was the abolition of unevangelical abuses. Thus he abolished the Corpus Christi celebrations and contended against all processions, not only those in which the sacrament was carried about, but all others also, because he claimed that they gave occasion to abuses.

An important liturgical consideration is Melanchthon’s view of the language question. He and Luther from a feeling of conservatism were both strongly in favor of retaining the Latin language in the public Services. The sermon of course was to be excepted, as through it the Gospel was to be conveyed to the people. When the Zwickau fanatics appeared in Wittenberg, the question first assumed shape. Melanchthon’s answer was, that Latin should be used for the whole Service with the exception of the sermon and the Communion Service. In a writing to the Senate of Nuremberg in 1525 he declared:—

“Those who do not understand Latin have practice enough even when the singing is in Latin for they hear the German sermon and lessons. And even if one sang in German, not all would sing or understand the singing. The Latin singing is good for the boys who are being educated. Besides I do not wish to cast aside figurated singing.” From this incidentally we also learn his views on music in the congregation. As to the use of Latin he ordered later that the lessons should first be sung in Latin and then read in German. What solicitude for the boys that could thus influence his liturgical views!

Intimately connected with these questions is also the one

 


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concerning the vestments. His position was that they should be continued where they were still in vogue; but he was very indifferent to their introduction where they had fallen into disuse. However he protests against the wearing of those vestments that recall the mass, and favors the wearing of a robe.

Extreme unction, the chrism in baptism, the exorcism and consecration of oil, he opposed; but owing to the many questions to be solved at the time, he resorted to an extreme Fabian policy, by which the discussion of the question of unction was delayed until it was no longer a menace to the peace of the church.

Melanchthon favored the rite of confirmation. It had fallen into disuse as Luther had regarded it as a rite to be suffered only under certain conditions. Melanchthon considered it as an institution which, if filled with the evangelical spirit, would become of the greatest value for the Christian life of the young. He stands therefore as one of the earliest Lutheran champions for confirmation, and its retention among the institutions of the Church is very largely due to him.

In regard to the Service of the Church he gives us an outline in his Reformatio Wittenbergensis (1545). Its constitutive factors are enumerated as Hymns, Prayers, Scripture Lessons, Sermon, Intercession, Communion. In the Repetitio Confessionis Augustanae 1551 he gives the following for the first part of the Service:—Prayers, Hymns, Confession of the Creed, Lessons, Sermon Thanksgiving and Intercession. The second part is the administration of the Lord’s Supper, comprising the words of institution, the self-communion of the minister, then the distribution to the congregation (previously confessed and absolved), then the thanksgiving.

And as Melanchthon urged the necessity for confirmation, establishing the needs and the nature of instruction and providing a form to be used, so he also advocated a dignified conduct of funerals. He provided for the singing of hymns, prayers and lessons. A funeral sermon was not recommended except for persons of distinction.

Such were the principles that actuated the man in the establishment of liturgical practices. On the whole his influence is felt more in the principles he laid down and advocated than in actual forms which he introduced, and this influence can hardly be estimated at its full value because so many others worked in the

 


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same direction. It has been said (Jakoby) that Melanchthon was more didactic than Luther and had not the same gift of putting statements into concise but pregnant liturgical form. On the other hand he exhibited a tact and dignity that were not always to be found in Luther’s liturgical expressions, (e. g. Luther reminds those to be ordained that their congregations do not consist of geese and cows.) To quote Jakoby: “Both reformers were liturgical architects who drew model plans and gave permanent norms. In this respect their work was basic and typical, a guide for all times. But to execute their plans with equal skill and authority they had not sufficient strength. For this work other men were called.”

Next to Melanchthon in the assistance of Luther came John Bugenhagen, whom Luther usually called Pommer, or Dr. Pommer, from his native land. He was the gifted and richly blessed practician or organizer of the Reformation and has frequently been named the “pastor.” He was born at Wollin, June 24, 1485, the son of a counsellor. In 1502 he entered the University of Greifswald but owing to lack of means he soon after began to teach a children’s school. During this work he continued his studies and in 1505 was called as rector of the Latin school at Treptow. The school flourished and Bugenhagen at the same time busily increased his learning and was at last ordained as priest. Having loved the Scriptures from childhood, he began a series of lectures on biblical books after he was made lector in Belbuck and gathered many hearers. During this time he began his “Passional” and composed a history of Pommerania. Until 1520, Luther’s works seemed to make no impression upon him; but when the tract on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church fell into his hands, he immediately assented to its teachings. He could not stay any longer in Treptow, but hastened to Wittenberg and met Luther just before the latter’s departure to Worms. His first work was a series of private lectures on the psalms; but by the time he reached the sixteenth he had so many hearers that Melanchthon advised him to lecture in public. His explanations won Luther’s unqualified approval and the praise that no other exegete had so entered into the spirit of the psalms. His firmness in dealing with the Anabaptists induced the congregation and the University to call him as pastor of the town church. This office he filled for years with unexcelled fidelity and left his

 


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post only when important duties temporarily called him away. Even the year 1527, when the pestilence raged in Wittenberg, found him comforting the congregation and lecturing to the few students who had not fled. He was busy also during these years in a literary way, defending the true doctrine of the Lord’s Supper, publishing a tract on “The Christian Faith and true Good Works,” and produced explanations of various biblical books and rendered Luther valuable assistance in the translation of the Bible.

It is, however, as an organizer that he rendered his most valuable service. In 1528 he was called to organize the Church of the Reformation in Braunschweig, in the same year in Hamburg, 1530 in Lübeck, 1534 in Pommerania, 1537 in Denmark where he gained the confidence of the king and enjoyed the honor of performing the coronation, and in 1542 in Braunschweig for the second time and in Hildesheim. The results of his work in these Places were embodied in various KOO, first and most important among which was that of Braunschweig. His object did not consist in formalities; but in the training of true Christian congregations, the raising of an efficient ministry, the founding and management of schools, and the proper financial management of the Church. In 1542 he returned to Wittenberg to stay; but the increasing work, the bitterness of theological strife, the thinning of the ranks about him, and most of all, Luther’s death, visibly broke down his constitution and in 1558 he was called to his reward.

His Braunschweig (or Brunswick) KO is the most lasting monument of his labors, aere perennius. In it he gives directions for the organizing of the Church, the conducting of the Services and the performance of ministerial acts. As Melanchthon in his Loci, so Bugenhagen in this KO establishes the principles upon which his practices are based. Baptism is the first subject to which be attends. He develops the Scriptural and doctrinal statements concerning the sacrament, insists on the baptism of children, and devotes considerable attention to proving their faith. For this reason he can follow the directions of Luther’s Taufbuechlein much more confidently than Melanchthon. He insists on baptism in the vernacular and asserts that its real glory lies in its application to all hearts and not in the adornments of lights, banners, consecrations, and unctions. All these he rejects.

 


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In giving his directions for the establishment of the schools, their curricula, their methods of instruction, he pays much attention to the chanting of the psalms in Latin. For the ministers he has explicit directions for the observance of the Church Year, giving the details even for their preaching. He likewise insists on private confession and absolution as well as public, permits giving the sacrament to the dying, orders the visitation of the sick and gives directions what to do. He forbids the blessing of water, fire, light, herbs and fruit as a sacrilege and rejects extreme unction. He gives full directions for extra services, both Matins and Vespers and the so-called catechism services. It is to him that we are principally indebted for the ordering of the minor services, but to him they were mainly acts of devotion prescribed for the schools. In regard to the sacrifice of the mass and the true doctrine of the Lord’s Supper he maintains the same standpoint as Luther and Melanchthon and he devotes much space to the discussion of these subjects. For the Chief Service he orders Luther’s German Mass and does not develop anything new. Thus Bugenhagen stands to us, considered from the viewpoint of liturgical influence, preeminently as the Reformer who has given the Church the minor services. It is true, they are not fully developed in the form in which we possess and use them; but from him we have received the essential outlines.

In the case of John Brenz we see a most varied life and can trace in his works the influence of political and doctrinal differences and especially the influence of the Reformed type of doctrine and life while his doctrinal positions must be regarded as true to the confessions of the Church. He was born in Weil, Württemberg in 1499 and entered Heidelberg University when he was but thirteen years old. Here among others he became acquainted with Melanchthon and Oecolampadius. At the age of fifteen he became Bachelor of Philosophy, at seventeen Master of Arts and from that time on devoted himself to the study of theology. Luther’s Theses first inflamed his soul and he eagerly read everything coming from Luther and Melanchthon. This was of the greatest influence on the views expressed in his lectures, but he suffered himself to be ordained to the priesthood, in 1520. He made no secret of his Lutheran tendencies and in 1521 was put under the ban. In 1522 he was called as pastor to Schwäbisch-Hall and remained there twenty-four years. The

 


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next seven years were a period of severe tribulations and persecution, but for fourteen years more he labored as provost in Tübingen, where he ended his days in 1570.

He took part in the preparation of five KOO. The first was that of Schwäbisch-Hall, 1526; the next that of Brandenburg-Nuremberg in 1533; the First or Little Württemberg KO appeared in 1536; in 1543 Brenz prepared a new KO for Schwäbisch-Hall and in 1553, that known as the Great Württemberg KO. The KO of Schwäbisch-Hall he prepared with the help of Isenmann and perhaps of others. The Brandenburg-Nuremberg KO is an important one. It is said that it is second in influence only to the Saxon Visitation Articles.* Its authority derives from the fact that it represents the consensus of many theologians, leading and otherwise. The first sketch was prepared by Osiander, but Luther, Melanchthon and Brenz, with the theologians of Brandenburg and Nuremberg, added their judgment and contributed to its final shape. The Little Württemberg KO was written by Schnepf, revised and approved by Brenz. The history of this KO vividly illustrates the manner in which Brenz contrary to his own judgment, was obliged to yield to Reformed influences. When Brenz, however, after the “Interim” during which the first KO of Schwäbisch-Hall was destroyed, found himself before the task to prepare a new KO for this church, he was not hampered by the difficulties that beset him in the preparation of the Little Württemberg KO. He was free to write this himself and in so doing, based it upon the Brandenburg-Nuremberg Order, thus giving the sanction of his authority to this latter. He was equally fortunate when he prepared the Great Württemberg KO. He was now free to correct at least some of the abuses of the Little Württemberg Order and based it upon his second one of Schwäbisch-Hall. This then, is a lineal descendant of the Brandenburg-Nuremberg KO and as it was sanctioned by the authority of Duke Christopher, it became a model for many other Orders. It might be interesting to trace Brenz’s departures from and returns to his own views throughout these Orders, but this would far exceed the scope of the present paper. The student is referred for this to the excellent article of Dr. Horn. For the present purpose suffice it to call attention to the fact, that the Brandenburg-Nuremberg Order is the one with which the litur-

Footnote: * Horn on authority of Richter.

 


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gical part of our Common Service most nearly agrees. We must, therefore, measure Brenz’s liturgical influence by the part he took in the preparation of this famous Order and the sanction he gave it by its introduction and by the Orders which he based upon it. When we consider that the provisions of this KO are the fullest and simplest for the major and minor services of the Church, and that the ministerial acts are here treated more fully and approximately in the form which our American Church authorizes to-day, we are justified in concluding that this influence was no mean or insignificant one.

Closely associated with the labors of Brenz, but more especially identified with the Reformation at Nuremberg and consequently the production of the just mentioned famous Order, is the name of Osiander. Andrew Osiander was born at Gunzenhausen in 1498 and studied at Leipzig, Altenburg and the University of Ingolstadt. His education and early history have never been traced and he never obtained academic honors. His enemies taunted him with being a self-made theologian. Still he became distinguished in humanistic studies, mathematics and theology and was a master of Hebrew. At Nuremberg he was ordained a priest and made teacher of Hebrew. He soon became the mainspring of reformatory activity in this city and soon became widely known for his bold preaching and his literary activity. He did not meet Luther until 1529 and always strictly maintained his independence of him. He never fully entered into Luther’s view of justification and thereby became the occasion of numerous theological controversies; but he thoroughly agreed with Luther in the main and especially in regard to the doctrine of the Lord’s Supper. His name also was soon known everywhere as that of a spirited and uncompromising champion of evangelical truth. It was on this account that he was enabled to take a prominent part in the organization of the Church at Nuremberg, both by aiding in the Brandenburg-Nuremberg Church visitation and also by preparing the first draft of the Brandenburg-Nuremberg KO. It is, perhaps, due to his personality that this Order prevailed so extensively, for during many years he was a power in Nuremberg, of such influence as to be called the Nuremberg Pope. His fearless defence and promulgation of the truth, his unrelenting opposition to everything unevangelical, his uncompromising insistence on the carrying out of the Reforma-

 


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tion ideas, all these gave the supports and backing that his KO needed to secure its adoption and retention. And having said this, we need say no more to characterize his influence.

One more character deserves mention in this connection. It is Justus Jonas, the intimate friend of Luther. He was born in 1493, studied at Erfurt and took his degree in 1510. He devoted much attention to eloquence and the composition of Latin verses; but soon entered upon the study of law to please his father. While studying at Wittenberg he heard Luther and was converted by him, as he himself says. He soon turned from law after having been licensed, and devoted himself to theology. It was he who translated the Ninety-five Theses, but notwithstanding he was made canon at Erfurt and rector of its Latin school. It was Erasmus who persuaded him to devote himself entirely to theology and in this, his knowledge of languages and history served him admirably. His eloquence soon increased the number of his hearers and he attracted such attention that he was soon called—“another Luther”—to the provostship at Wittenberg. In 1521 he became Doctor of Divinity and in his new position and dignity he began an earnest controversy against all abuses, principally that of the mass, of mariolatry and worship of the saints, and proposed a new Order of Service, which, however, was not adopted until the accession of a new elector. He is preeminently the German translator of the documents of the Reformation, principally of Luther’s “De Servo Arbitrio,” Melanchthon’s “Loci” and the “Apology.” He has left the Church some beautiful hymns which he composed. In 1523 he conducted the second Saxon Church visitation; in 1536 he aided the introduction of the Reformation at Naumburg; in 1539 he was engaged in the same work at Meissen and in 1541 at Halle. At Halle he composed a KO based on the one at Wittenberg. His death occurred in 1555. His direct influence upon the ordering of the Church at Wittenberg is not so directly appreciable on account of the presence and labors there of so many other great minds; but the KOO of Meissen, Naumburg and Halle are enough to entitle him to distinction in this field also.

Upon such men and their labors did the ordering of the Church of the Reformation depend. We can not read a detailed description of this period without thinking of the “helden lobe bæren, und grozzer arebeit” of the Nibelungen, but far greater,

 


Page 16

far more wonderful are the great labors of these praiseworthy heroes. We are astounded at their condition, we are humbled by their faith, we admire their versatility, we can not comprehend the many and varied causes to which they gave their attention. We can not but think of the great things they accomplished and compare with them the humble following of their footsteps to which we of a latter day, are limited, and we exclaim as Schiller did of Kaut, “Wenn die Könige bauen, haben die Kärrner zu thun. “

 

Authorities consulted and used:—JAKOBY: Liturgik der Reformatoren; BELLERMANN: Das Leben des Johannes Bugenhagen; HORN: The Liturgical Work of John Brenz, (Church Review, 1882); RIETSCHEL: Lehrbuch der Liturgik; ZÖCKLER: Handbuch der theologischen Wissenshaften; MEUSEL: Kirchliches Handlexikon.

 

C. THEODORE BENZE.

Erie, Pa.

 


Page 17

 

THE ECCLESIASTICAL CALENDAR.

 

THE Calendar, (from Calends), is the mode of adjusting the artificial divisions of time, such as months, Lent, Advent and the like to the natural or Solar year. Calendars are devised for civil and religious purposes, each embracing the same period of time as their unit, (365 1/4 days), but differing in accordance with the use for which they are intended. We are concerned with the civil calendar only in so far as the religious is related to it. In the beginning, the Christians simply employed the divisions of time current in the country of which they were citizens. Certain days were marked as anniversaries of great events in the life of Christ; for example the festival days of the early Church. To these were added commemorations of the deaths of the first martyrs. As the Roman wrote on his tablets the obligations he must meet, or the debts he would receive, connecting each with its date in the Julian year, so the Christian marked opposite certain dates, the name or event he thought worthy of special note in his devotional life. Such lists were the earliest Calendars of the Church. A formal and authoritative division of the year for religious use was arranged as early as the middle of the fourth century.

As the religious Calendar was simply an adaptation of the civil year, and grew up from traditional usages by different bodies of believers, many differences are to be found in the various parts of Christendom, by which local conditions of the life of the Church are marked. Nationality, controversy and doctrinal fundamentals have each been factors in the determination of what should be marked by the Church. Almost every day in the year in the Greek Church, is dedicated to some event in the life of Christ, or to the Apostles, or saints, or national heroes. With the Puritans at the other extreme, even the anniversary of our Lord’s nativity was scarcely admitted to form a special day in

 


Page 18

their year. In general, however, it may be said that there are two great families of Calendars; one from the Eastern, the other from the Western division of Christendom. Through the Roman or Western wing, we derive the Church Year in use by Lutherans.

The three great events in the life of Christ, His birth, His resurrection, and the sending of the Holy Ghost have been the nuclei around which all the Calendars have been formed. The latter two of these were marked from the Apostolic period, and in fact, are simply modifications of feasts established by God for the Jews. Instead of the Passover, we have Easter and its associated days, and in the room of the Harvest festival, we celebrate Pentecost as the memorial of the pouring forth of the Holy Ghost. Christmas and the connected festivals of Epiphany and Circumcision arose somewhat later, and are of Gentile origin. These three feasts became the centers of cycles and octaves. As the Church grew older, and its cultus became more complex, various customs were added. Martyriology gave us Saints’ days, asceticism furnished the preparatory seasons of fasting, and now and then the settlement of a great doctrinal battle added a special day to the Calendar. By the time the Reformation occurred, the entire year was occupied with the commemoration of events in the history of the Church. The opposition of the reformers to the worship of the saints and of the Virgin resulted in the removal of many names and customs from the list; or, where they were not officially removed, the spirit of the denomination caused them to fall into desuetude. By us, little not directly connected with the life of our Lord, was retained.

If we should study the seasons of the Church Year in the order of its development, we would begin with Easter, this being the festival earliest observed, and for a long time the beginning of the year. But since we are accustomed to Advent being considered as the first of the Calendar, we will begin with the Christmas cycle, of which Advent is the Preparatory season.

Concerning Advent itself, it may be said, that there is no mention of this season under this title before the seventh century. Essentially however, it had a place in the Calendar at a much earlier time. Jerome has pericopes and collects for “the five Sundays before the Nativity of our Lord.” Like Lent, it was observed as a season of penance and fasting. An ancient canon

 


Page 19

forbids marriages during its continuance. The time over which it extended, varied at different places and dates. In Jerome’s time, and in parts of France at a later date, it covered five Sundays. In the Greek Church to the present day, under the name “Fast of the Nativity” it covers forty days and is one of the four great periods of fasting, set for each year. To Gregory the Great, is ascribed its duration of the four Sundays preceding Christmas. One of its four Sundays was used for each of the four comings of Christ to man; i. e., to mankind in the flesh, to the believer in the hour of death, to Jerusalem at its fall, and on the day of judgment.

Since the sixth century, Advent has been the beginning of the Church Year in the Western Church. The chief cause of the change from the Easter cycle was the desire to have the Christian year begin at a time different from the beginning of the Jewish ecclesiastical year.

The Christmas cycle makes its appearance in the Church under the name of Epiphany. There was a heathen festival widely celebrated among the Greeks, in honor of the manifestation of one of their myths to mankind, under the name of EPIPHANEIA (ejpifavneia); this was replaced in the Oriental Church by the festival in honor of the coming of Christ in the flesh. The date first set for the celebration was the sixth of January, which date is still retained by the Armenian Church for the Christmas festival. The only attempt to explain the choice of this day, so far as we have seen, was an example of Oriental allegory. Since Adam was created on the sixth day of time, the sixth of the year might well be chosen to commemorate the birth of Christ. Meantime, the Western Church had adopted December 25th as the Natal Day. When the controversies of the Grecian Church required more emphasis to be placed on the human birth of the Lord, the Greek Church, retaining Epiphany, added the Festival of the Nativity to their Calendar, using for it the date current among the Roman Christians.

When December 25th was chosen as the date of the anniversary of the birth of Christ, is not known, nor have we any clear reason given, why this time was taken. Chrysostom says in a Christmas homily, that Pope Julius I, (A. D., 337-352), had caused strict inquiry to be made as to the time of Christ’s birth, and confirmed its customary celebration on this day. Some his-

 


Page 20

torians claim that this date was chosen by the Church to counterbalance a heathen festival occurring December 25th by the Julian calendar. Piper derives the date from March 25th, which the early Church considered as the normal time for the beginning of the world, the resurrection of Christ, and the date of His conception.

Early in the development of the Church Year, it became customary to connect with a festival, its Octave. The events of Easter week probably form the precedent for this habit. With Christmas was thus connected the eighth day after, and from a Gospel basis, this became specifically the Festival of the Circumcision, after the 6th century. Between Christmas and the Festival of the Circumcision, our Church also retains the minor days of St. Stephen and St. John, Dec. 26th and 27th. In the ancient Church, Dec. 28th was also marked as the Festival of the Holy Innocents. The association of Stephen with Christ is in the manner of his death. That of John is probably due to his nearness to Christ during His ministry and the distinctive teaching in his Gospel concerning the Incarnation. The innocency of the child victims of Herod’s jealousy, so similar to Christ’s faultlessness, probably led the Early Church, deeply honoring martyrdom of every kind, to connect their death with the festival of the Master’s birth.

We have already said that Epiphany so far as name is concerned, was earlier in its origin than Christmas. It was less specifically devoted to Christ’s birth, however, than to marking in general His manifestation to men. The baptism by John, and the appearance in the home at Cana of Galilee were themes in its celebration as well as the assuming of the flesh. Only after the fourth century was it coupled with the Visit of the Magi and the Manifestation of Christ to the Gentiles. Theophaneia, Bethpaneia, are early titles showing its first significance. Our Gospel Lessons for the season still show its various applications. The length of the season of Epiphany varies, and first shows the influence of the “Queen of Festivals,” Easter, around which is grouped the second cycle of our year.

We have already said that the celebration of Easter is of Apostolic origin. It would be only natural that the Jewish converts to the faith in the first year of Apostolic preaching, should give a peculiar significance to their great Paschal feast, whenever

 


Page 21

it would occur. They would recall Christ’s teaching concerning Himself as the true Lamb of God, and with the eating of unleavened bread, they would connect the crucifixion, and the resurrection. Of course the date of this commemoration would be that of the Jewish Pascha, i. e., the 14th Nisan. Nisan was a lunar month, beginning with the moon following the Vernal Equinox. With the Gentile converts, however, the Jewish Passover had little or no significance. They had not even adopted the keeping of the Sabbath, but observed instead the first day of the week, distinctively the Lord’s Day. The Resurrection rather, than the Crucifixion was most emphatically preached to the non-Jewish converts, and their whole religious life made only Sunday suitable for the commemoration of the festival of Christ’s coming from the grave. The result was that the Roman Church adopted the custom of making Easter a movable festival, seeking to mark it only on Sunday, and caring only to have a time approximately corresponding to the day of the month on which Christ rose from the dead. By the middle of the second century, the influence of the Italian Church had become sufficient to make a marked conflict between the days on which Easter was celebrated. The first colloquy on the subject was between Polycarp of Smyrna and Anicetus, bishop of Rome. Polycarp declared that it was the custom of John to observe the 14th of Nisan, but Anicetus refused to be convinced. Tradition was invoked that Peter and Paul might offer authority to the Roman party. A bitter controversy was carried on for more than a century, until finally at the Council of Nicea, the matter was settled by passing the rule now in force for determining the date of the celebration of Easter. That rule is, that Easter shall occur on the first Sunday, following the first full moon on, or next after the 21st of March. When this is Sunday, the following Sunday shall be taken.

This Nicean legislation simply compromises by determining that the Sunday nearest to the 14th of Nisan shall be Easter. At least that would be the result if the beginning of Nisan is accurately determined. For this month would begin with the new moon following the Vernal Equinox, i. e., the 21st of March, and the 14th was the day of the full moon. The followers of the Jewish custom had already been contemptuously called Quartodecimanians, and after the Nicean Council, any one holding to the fixed festival, was excommunicated. It is none the less true

 


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however, that so far as Apostolic authority is concerned, its weight is in favor of the 14th of Nisan.

Any date fixed in a lunar month would yet be movable in the solar year, and hence in a civil year which corresponded in length with the sun’s annual revolution. The requirement of a certain day in the week would add a second mutation. In the years immediately following the Nicean Council the Bishop of Alexandria was deputed to announce to the other bishops the date on which Easter would occur, and the bishops through their metropolitans would inform the whole Church. This plan was soon found inadequate however, and the mathematicians set themselves to formulate tables by which the date of the moon following the Vernal Equinox could be found, and the day of the week could be determined. The Metonic cycle of nineteen years for determining the date of the moon’s phases had already been in use for centuries. A “solar” cycle for twenty-eight years was also known, by which the succession of the days of the week could be found. Victorinus of Aquitain combined these two numbers as factors in a period of 532 years, to which the name of the Victorian cycle has been applied. The factors in this unit are indicated in our Calendars by the Golden Number and the Dominical or Sunday letter. The first is obtained by dividing the number of the year plus one by 19. If there is no remainder, the Golden Number is 19. Any remainder from the division is the Golden Number for the year divided. The Dominical letter is the capital set opposite Sunday. The 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th of January are named A, B, C, D, E, F and G. If the 1st of January is Sunday, A is the Dominical letter; if the 3rd is Sunday, the letter is C; and so on. The table of the Victorian Cycle was used for determining the date of Easter until the time of the papal reign of Gregory XIII, without correction, although the Venerable Bede had noted that the Vernal Equinox no longer fell on the 21st of March. Owing to the various errors in the ancient Julian year and in the Victorian cycle, a day was lost every 130 years. In 1582, the actual date of the Vernal Equinox was March 11th. To correct this error, Gregory ordered the 5th of October to be called the 15th. The Catholic countries adopted the revision at once; the Protestant governments later, England making a correction of eleven days in 1752. The Greek Church has not yet adopted the correction, so that

 


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there is a divergence of twelve days between the dating of their events in their own “Old Style” and our “New Style.” Necessary corrections in the Victorian cycle have made it so complex that it can no longer be generally employed in determining Easter. Hence tables are published giving the actual date of its occurrence during a period of years.* A very good article on the formulae for the Golden number and the Dominical letter can be found in the Encyclopedia Britannica under “Calendar.”

Footnote: * Cf. Church Book.

 

By the time the Nicean Council had decreed the date of the occurrence of Easter, many of the elements of its cycle had become established in the customs of the Church. The custom of fasting in the days preceding the festival is very early, although it was first practiced only during the forty hours during which Christ’s soul was separated from His body. Yet it was not long until the tendencies toward asceticism led to the extension of this preparatory season over a period of forty days. Origen makes mention of this length of time as proper for the preceding of Easter. This period of course grew out of the time of the Master’s temptation in the wilderness. The number of weeks covered by a fast of forty days was effected by the estimate in which the days of the week were held by various parts of the Church. Sundays were universally, excluded from the list of fast days. Parts of the Church also excluded Saturdays and Thursdays. Such omissions would extend the forty days to the ninth week before Easter, and would account for the cycle beginning with Septuagesima Sunday, although the names of the Sundays before Lent are derived by analogy with Quadragesima. In the Western Church, Gregory the Great brought uniformity by enacting that Lent should consist of the forty-six days preceding Easter, Sundays being excepted from fasting. Thus it takes its beginning on Wednesday of the seventh week before Easter.

Ash Wednesday takes its name from a custom of the Roman Church of burning the palm branches consecrated at the previous Palm Sunday and with the ashes making the sign of the cross on the forehead of those kneeling before the altar on this day. The ancient name is Caput Jejunii. In the Lutheran Church, the day is marked simply as the beginning of the Lenten season.

The English word Lent is from the old word for Spring, this season of the Church Year being distinguished as the Lenten

 


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Fast. The names of the first five Sundays are taken from the initial words of the Latin Introits for each day; i. e., Invocavit, Reminiscere, Oculi, Laetare and Judica. Palm Sunday takes its name from the custom of bearing branches in the processionals. By Gregory it is called Dominica in ramis palmarum, by Ambrose, Dominica in ramis olivarum. By St. Jerome it is entitled Indulgence Day from the custom of the Emperors of setting free prisoners and closing the courts of justice during the week beginning with this Sunday. Very early in the history of the Church, this week received the name of the Great Week or the Holy Week, and was marked by special religious observances and by the closing of places of business.

Maundy Thursday has its popular name either from a corruption of the Latin title “Dies Mandati”or from the custom of delivering gifts to the poor in baskets (maunds). The Lord’s command, “Do this” of course led to the name Mandati. Other titles, arising from the Lord’s teaching in the Upper Room are, Feria mysteriorum, Lavipedium and Megalhv Revnta".

It has already been noted that the marking of the day of the Lord’s death by a suitable memorial is one of the earliest customs of Christendom. The Jewish converts in selecting the 14th of Nisan as their Easter, gave the crucifixion the first place as compared with the resurrection. At first in the Western Church, both the crucifixion and the resurrection were connected with the Sunday celebration of the Pascha, but after the time of Leo I, the two events are definitely separated, and Friday marked as the Paraskeue or Dies Dominicae passionis. Saturday following, called by the Jews, An high Day, is known to the Christians as The Great Sabbath. It has been marked only by the Easter vigils.

The name Easter is derived by Venerable Bede from the name of a Pagan goddess Eostre or Ostera, whose festival occurred about the time of the Vernal Equinox. Later philologists derive the name from the Saxon “urstan,” to rise, “urstand,” the resurrection. The ancient name was “Pascha Dominica resurrectionis,” and later simply “Dies Paschae.” From the purely Church standpoint, it is and always has been the greatest of the Church festivals.

The forty days following Easter belong to the Easter cycle and are characterized by the prolongation of the Easter festivi-

 


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ties. Fasting was not permitted, and the most joyous celebrations of the Church and family were set for this period. The Sundays take their names from the Introits.

Thursday, the fortieth day after Easter is set apart for the marking of the Lord’s ascension. Holy Thursday is the name usually applied to it in the old Calendars, though it is not shown to be very early marked by the Church. Chrysostom is the first authority for its observance, he having a homily for the day. Augustine and Gregory of Nyssa mark it in a similar manner.

Pentecost, the fiftieth day after Easter, is one of the earliest festivals, being probably contemporary with Easter in its first observance. Its Christian observance is simply a transformation of the Jewish Harvest Feast, with a new significance due to the outpouring of the Holy Ghost on this day. Pentecost is of course the earliest name. Our English title of Whit-Sunday is usually derived from the custom of the catechumens appearing in white robes on this day, their baptism having occurred at the vigil immediately preceding. Other derivations are “Whitsun Day” from the German “Pfingsten Tag,” and Wit Sunday, the day of the pouring forth of wisdom, from the old English word for wisdom, Wit. In the early Church, the remaining Sundays of the year were attached to Pentecost, and this custom still obtains in the Greek Church, where Trinity Sunday is not observed.

Trinity Sunday is the latest of the great festivals to be placed in the Calendar. There was no occasion for its observance until after the Arian controversy, the Sunday following Pentecost being simply the octave of that feast, and specially set apart as the Day of all the Martyrs. In some parts of the Church, the Sunday before Advent was connected with the Trinity. The Synod of Arles, 1260, officially gave it its present place in the Calendar, choosing the Sunday following Pentecost, because after the sending of the Holy Ghost, man had for the first time full knowledge of the Trinity.

Our custom of naming the remaining Sundays of the year “Sundays after Trinity” is not so much the forming of a long Trinity cycle, as it is the making of a second principal division of the Church Year. The first division with its three great feasts and their cycles is the Semester Domini, ending with Trinity Sunday. The second half is the Semester Ecclesiae. In the first, we mark the history of the life of Christ from its Advent to the send-

 


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ing of the Holy Ghost; in the second, we have man’s appropriation of redemption. In this, the lessons mark the Call to the Kingdom of God, the Righteousness of the Kingdom of God, and the Final Consummation of the Christians’ Life. (Spaeth.)

In the Greek Church on the other hand, the entire year is divided into cycles grouped around the great festivals commemorative of the ministry of Christ. Their conception of the Church Year can best be shown by tables. They are quoted from Neale’s Holy Eastern Church.

 

Festivals are divided into three classes:

A. GREAT.

1. Easter.

2. The following twelve:

Christmas, Dec. 25th.

Epiphany, Jan. 6th.

Hypapante, Feb. 2nd. (Meeting of our Lord with Simeon and Anna.)

Annunciation, Mar. 25th.

Palm Sunday.

Pentecost.

Transfiguration, Aug. 6th.

Repose of the Mother of God, Aug. 15th.

Nativity of the Mother of God, Sept. 8th.

Exaltation of the Holy Cross, Sept. 14th.

Presentation of the Mother of God, Nov. 21st.

3. Festivals Adodekata. (Fewer than 12.)

The Circumcision, Jan. ist.

Nativity of S. John the Baptist.

SS. Peter and Paul.

Decollation of John the Baptist.

B. MIDDLE.

1. Festivals in which the office is not entirely of the commemoration, but has the addition of a canon in lauds in honor of the Mother of God; such as Jan. 30, SS. Basil, Gregory, and Chrysostom. May 6th, St. John, the Divine.

2. Those in which the Polyeleos (135th and 136th Psalms) occur in the lauds. For the minor apostles, the God-bearing Fathers, (Simon Stylites), and the more famous Metropolitans.

 


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C. LiTTLE.

1. Those having the Great Doxology.

2. Those without the Great Doxology.

The great Fasts of the Greek Church are as follows:

The Lenten Fast, Monday after Quinquagesima to Easter.

The Fast of the Apostles, Monday after Trinity to June 29.

The Fast of the Mother of God. Aug. 1st to 14th.

The Fast of the Nativity. Nov. 15th to Dec. 25th.

The first of these Fasts, the Lenten, is of exceeding rigor. “Not only is meat forbidden, but fish, cheese, butter, oil, milk, and all preparations of it. The Fast continues on Sunday, though a little oil is permitted. General indulgences are never granted.” “In all 226 days of the year are observed with scrupulous fidelity as Fasts. In the Lenten Fast, poor men throw away their only loaf of bread, if a drop of oil or forbidden food happens to fall upon it.”

 

N. R. MULHORN.

Philadelphia, Pa.

 


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COMPARATIVE TABLE OF CALENDARS

GREEK CHURCH

(Constantinople)

LUTHERAN

ARMENIAN

Sunday of the Publican and Pharisee (Year begins)*

Sunday of the Prodigal Son

Sunday of Apocreos. Monday of Tyrophagus

Sunday of Tyrophagus. (Tyrophagus a semi-carnival in which cheese is eaten)

Monday after Tyrophagus, fast begins

Orthodoxy Sunday

2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th Sundays of Fast

Palm Sunday

Pascha or Bright Sunday

Anti pascha

Sunday of the Ointment Bearers

Sunday of the Paralytic

Sunday of the Samaritan

Sunday of the Blind Man

The Ascension of our Lord

Sunday of the 318 (Nicean Fathers)

Pentecost

All Saints Sunday

2nd Sunday after Pentecost

* * * *

 

 

Sundays after Pentecost - - -

 

 

 

 

27th Sunday after Pentecost

28th Sunday after Pentecost

Sunday of the Holy Forefathers

Sunday before Nativity

Nativity (Dec. 25th Sunday)

Jan. 1st, Sunday before the Lights

Jan. 6th, The Holy Theophany

Sunday after the Lights

29th-32nd Sundays after Pentecost

Sunday of Publican and Pharisee

3rd Sunday after Epiphany

 

Septuagesima

Sexagesima

 

Quinquagesima

 

 

 

 

1st Sunday in Lent

Sundays in Lent

 

Palm Sunday

Easter

1st Sunday after Easter

2nd Sunday after Easter

 

3rd Sunday after Easter

4th Sunday after Easter

5th Sunday after Easter

Ascension or Holy Thursday

Sunday after Ascension

 

Whit Sunday

Trinity

1st Sunday after Trinity

* * * *

6th Sunday after Trinity

* * * *

12th Sunday after Trinity

14th Sunday after Trinity

 

16th Sunday after Trinity

25th Sunday after Trinity

1st Sunday in Advent

2nd Sunday in Advent

3rd Sunday in Advent

 

4th Sunday in Advent

Christmas

Circumcision

Epiphany

 

1st Sunday after Epiphany

Sundays after Epiphany

3rd Sunday after Epiphany

4th Sunday after Epiphany

5th Sunday after Epiphany

6th Sunday after Epiphany

 

 

 

 

 

 

†2nd Sunday in Fast

3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th Sunday in Fast

Palm Sunday

Pascha

New Sunday

Green Sunday

 

Beautiful Sunday

5th Sunday after Pascha

6th Sunday after Pascha

Ascension

Sunday after Ascension

 

Pentecost

1st Sunday after the Descent